[sic] the key architect of the Brussels EU was Walter Hallstein
(1901-1982), a prominent attorney in Nazi Germany.
In June 1938, Hallstein participated in the official State negotiations
bewteen Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy with the goal of making
these aggressive ideologies the basis for a future Europe. In January
1939, only months before the launch of WWII by the fateful coalition
between IG Farben – the largest oil and drug cartel at that time
– and the Nazis, Hallstein gave a historic speech outlining in detail
the legal structure of Europe under Nazi/IG Farben control.
In 1941, Hallstein became Dean of the Faculty of Law and Economics
at the University of Frankfurt, Germany. It was no coincidence
that Frankfurt was also the headquarters of IG Farben. A few
years later, the Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunals revealed that it
was from these IG Farben headquarters that the economic conquest
of Europe was planned and implemented – with patents being the
key legal tools for economic control.
In 1950, after having lied to the Allies about his Nazi past, Hallstein
became advisor to West German Chancellor Adenauer and the
principal coordinator of his foreign policy. As a result of his previous
extensive experience in the planning for a Europe under the rule of
the Cartel and the Nazis, he became the key architect of the Brussels
EU.
On March 25, 1957, Hallstein was one of the 12 signatories of the
Treaties of Rome – the founding document of the Brussels EU. In
1958 he was appointed the first president of the EU Commission –
a post he held for an entire decade.
[sic]
Obviously, Hallstein was not alone in his
role as the chief architect of the ‘Brussels
EU’. He surrounded himself with legal technocrats
who had already been instrumental
stakeholders of the Nazi/ Cartel Coalition
prior to 1945.
Since the key tools of the Cartel to secure its
future control over Europe were patents, it is
no surprise that Hallstein chose – as his right
hand man – an expert in patent law:
During the Nazi regime, Carl Friedrich Ophuels had been the leading
Court expert of the important Patent Court in Frankfurt (Germany),
the city of the IG Farben headquarters. In this role, Ophuels
was familiar with all patent disputes relating to the spoliation by
the IG Farben Cartel of the chemical industries in the conquered
countries of Europe. This fact qualified him, of course, as an accomplice
for the Cartel’s next attempt at the conquest of Europe.
The 1946 Allied Denazification questionnaire reveals that Ophuels
was a member of the Nazi-Party, the NSDAP, with the membership
No. 2 399061 (document A). Because of his Nazi past, the Allied
Security Office in 1947 classified Ophuels as follows: “This individual
was previously found unemployed by Military Government for
any position above ordinary labor” (document B).
However, Hallstein’s judgement of Ophuels was in direct contrast
to that of the Allied Office. Together with Gerhard Schiedermair – a
member of the notorious Schiedermair clan of Nazi lawyers – Hallstein
promoted Ophuels within one year (1949) to ‘Doctor’ and ‘Professor’
of Law at the University of Frankfurt. One year later, in 1950,
Hallstein appointed Ophuels to the position of ‘Ambassador in Brussels’
and his right hand man for the construction of the ‘Brussels EU’.
[sic]
On December 17, 1941, the Nazi Party head office in Frankfurt, in an
official letter to the Rector of Frankfurt University, attests that C.F.
Ophuels is a “Politically reliable” [“politisch verslässicher”] Nazi. Only
16 years later, this devoted stalwart of the Nazi/Cartel Coalition signs
the ‘Statutes for the European Court of Justice’ as a principal architect.

I think it was the dolphins

Thing is, I'm not discounting it but the source link is from "reject the EU". I'd like to see rather more um impartial evidence.

dubmeup wrote:
Click the link, and have a look at the first chapter. It's replete with documents.... (which I've not copied because they're in a pesky pdf)

Anyway, this is the tip of the iceberg.... and it's also a chance for you to do a bit of research to present yourself!
www.google.com

I think as well though Spacey you'll find that google is not the only place to research stuff, because , let's face it alot of the stuff on there is nonsense.

If you believe the Nazi's started the eu I would question how far your own research as gone. The two biggest players were Britain and Itlaly

I think as well though Spacey you'll find that google is not the only place to research stuff, because , let's face it alot of the stuff on there is nonsense.

If you believe the Nazi's started the eu I would question how far your own research as gone. The two biggest players were Britain and Itlaly

The UK were indeed big players, the royal family in particular but then again...what was their background

"Bury your treasure, for you will need it to begin a Fourth Reich." [cdxxiii
Adolf Hitler
To Martin Bormann in 1943

"When the story of Martin Bormann is written it will reveal him to be the man largely responsible for West Germany's postwar recovery...." [cdxxiv
The New York Times
March 3, 1973



The Strasbourg Conference where Bormann introduced a new economic initiative, was convened under the highest secrecy and security in August 1944, to discuss post-war preparations between the Nazi government and the major German industrialists, as was so often the pattern with other issues since the end of World War One. [cdxxxv Bormann assigned Dr. Bosse, of the Ministry of Armaments, and Lieutenant General Sheid to conduct the conference in his behalf. [cdxxxvi

"German industry must realize that the war cannot now be won," Bormann told Sheid, continuing, "and (Germany) must take steps to prepare for a postwar commercial campaign which will in time insure the economic resurgence of Germany." [cdxxxvii

What Bormann was proposing was devious, conspiratorial and illegal, even within Nazi Germany. To avoid security breaches, therefore, he ensured in every possible way that the strictest secrecy was maintained. The meeting was held in a hotel conference room insulated from visual or audio surveillance by having rented all the rooms above, below and on all sides of the chamber. All attendees and their personal possessions were thoroughly inspected physically and electronically by SS technicians. [cdxxxviii

High-ranking industrialists from a spectrum of German firms listened intently to the amazing proposal: All corporations that agreed with Bormann's plan to conserve their businesses for post-war operations and to share post-war revenues with selected underground Nazi operations would, until such time as the Third Reich failed, be protected by Bormann from the "Treason Against The Nation" law. [cdxxxix This law required death for all those who subverted currency regulations, traded in foreign currency or concealed ownership of foreign currency. The law also precluded firms from being involved in almost any type of partnership, joint venture or licensing agreement with any country outside of the Reich or the boundaries of its allies.

In reality, many of Germany's largest companies were already engaged in relationships with businesses neutral to or hostile to the Reich, including Germany's largest conglomerate, I.G. Farben, but the government had been turning a blind eye in order to keep the huge amount of capital these companies generated rolling in. The waiver of the Treason Against the Nation law proposed at Strasbourg was therefore not only an incentive to those German companies that desired to survive the war but were not yet participating in such activities, but it was a veiled threat to those that were already circumventing the law. To them Bormann was saying, in essence, if you do not share the wealth you are already gaining, we will have your heads by enforcing the law. The Strasbourg announcement, for these companies, amounted to a form of blackmail; which they were glad to pay not only to save themselves but to save their companies from the post-war commercial blood bath that was sure to come.

According to Dr. Bosse, participating companies' and Nazi funds were to be invested in foreign financial institutions while the Party maintained access to them, "in order that a strong German empire can be created after defeat." [cdxl Bosse went on to explain: "Industrialists with government assistance [meaning with Bormann as their mentor and protector - author's note] will export as much of their capital as possible, capital meaning money, bonds, patents, scientists and administrators."[ [cdxli] While hard currency was valuable, the currency with real potential was the "soft capital" the industrialist firms held: the trade agreements, patents and braintrusts that generated colossal revenues in perpetuity.

The potential income of such intellectual and proprietary properties as international licenses sold to use the patents on stainless steel, synthetic fuels and rubbers and other commercial advances, and control of the braintrusts who created them was huge, generating millions, possible tens or hundreds of millions of dollars per year. Many international companies, such as Bayer, Winthrop Chemical, AGFA-ANSCO, Hoescht and DuPont to a large degree owed their existence and continuing prosperity to exclusive use of I.G. Farben patents and licenses alone. [cdxlii

In addition to exporting technologies, the German firms were directed to borrow against these and other assets to obtain more hard capital and thus be able to more quickly export additional hard currency [cdxliii into what was now being called Bormann's "Flight Capital" program. Technical and business bureaus were to be established for each industry and in each foreign office of each company, with a covert Nazi liaison officer in each office to oversee and, where possible, personally manage the operations. [cdxliv From among these liaisons German economic specialists successfully penetrated 11 nations' economies, in addition to Germany's, and eventually controlled them in the post-war period. [cdxlv

Bosse reported to Bormann after the meeting that the terms of the Strasbourg conference had been agreed to by all involved and therefore the new Flight Capital Program had been successfully initiated. [cdxlvi Bormann in turn established 750 camouflaged corporations under the names of companies or individuals for which he held power of attorney, and therefore over which he had total control, [cdxlvii as vehicles for managing the income of the Flight Capital Program. These businesses were scattered across countries throughout Europe, the Mid-east and Latin America. Holdings were even kept in bank accounts in the United States of America, [cdxlviii some of which eventually were in his own name, including accounts with Manufacturers Hanover Trust, The Chase Manhattan Bank, and First National City Bank, according to author Paul Manning.

Although not listed as a company represented at the Strasbourg conference, Germany's largest industrial cartel, the chemical concern I.G. Farben, was active in the Flight Capital Program as well. In fact, it had not been necessary for Farben representatives to attend the program's introduction at all because it's leader, chairman and president Hermann Schmitz, had been integrally involved in the Flight Capital Program's creation. I.G. Farben had supported the Nazi cause from the beginning of the its climb to power, having donated generously through Farben's intelligence, propaganda and political economic operations, known as I.G. NW7. [cdxlix

In his Wall Street Journal article, Steinmetz unwittingly hints at this involvement - and particularly at the Flight Capital Program - in a portion of the article that reviews reports that Germany's Bosch AG company during the war allied with the wealthy Wallenberg family of Sweden to camouflage German funds. Robert Bosch, the founder of Bosch AG, was the uncle of Carl Bosch, [cdl the founder of I.G. Farben. Close relationships were maintained between the companies.

Before taking Carl Bosch's place at the head of I.G. Farben, Schmitz had been Bosch's top lieutenant and handpicked successor. [cdli He had overseen all of I.G. Farben's international business, and, between the wars, was responsible for concealing Farben's huge global income from German tax administrators through the use of foreign "blinds" he had created. These camouflage devices operated remarkably like the alleged arrangement between Bosch A.G. and the Wallenberg's. [cdlii

Before the war, Schmitz took over the helm of I.G. Farben and had become a close "confidant and advisor to Martin Bormann," [cdliii writes Paul Manning in his book Martin Bormann: Nazi In Exile. Manning adds that Bormann was a student in a sort of personal, and confidential, tutelage under Schmitz. [cdliv Bormann, in fact, surreptitiously gave the title of "Secret Councilor to the Nazi Party and Martin Bormann," to Hermann Schmitz, [cdlv in return for the latter's intellectual contributions and mentoring. Under Schmitz's direction and with the complicity of Bormann, I.G. Farben looted the chemical properties of the nations Germany had conquered: Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway and France. [cdlvi

By the end of the war, Farben had interests in over 700 companies, not including operations within its own corporate structure that stretched across 93 countries. [cdlvii In all, Schmitz, in league with Bormann, who cleared the path of government constraints, expanded Farben's foreign investment to at least 7 billion reichsmarks during the war. [cdlviii As the two men weaved their web they made many pacts; among them one that ensured all Farben leaders overseas were Nazi Party members accountable to Martin Bormann - a precursor to the Flight Capital Program. Working together, the two men expanded this relationship to other German firms in the form of the Flight Capital Program.

The objective of the Flight Capital Program was not to make money in and of itself. The objective - Bormann's master plan - was to save and protect Germany's industries and economy from being looted at the hands of the conquerors as had happened at the end of the First World War. After the war, the Flight Capital Program would control and direct not only the German economy, but also other economies linked to the underground Fatherland, in an effort to produce a quick German rebirth and eventual European economic domination.

Bormann and Schmitz met on multiple occasions while developing the Flight Capital Program. [cdlix So thoroughly did Bormann capture all of the funds transferred out of the Reich that when Hermann Schmitz died in 1960, at the age of 79, he was nearly a pauper. [cdlx "To this day no one has been able to explain what happened to his fortune. Few who knew him can believe it doesn't exist," wrote Joseph Borkin, author of The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben.

Strategies for covertly redeploying the economy included the implementation of a "foreign trade offensive," according to Peter Hayes' book Industry and Technology: I.G. Farben in the Nazi Era. [cdlxi

They also included a "'European economic community'" that positioned Germany as the hub and "flag bearer" of a confederated Europe that would "predominate by 'elastic political methods'... not with brutal force."

These elements are certainly recognizable in the history of post-war Europe as it actually unfolded, and, in fact, continues with a high profile in the European economic model of today. The evidence reflects that the Flight Capital Program and Bormann's partnership with I.G.Farben not only paid off as planned, but it set the foundation for the European economy of today, and by extension that of the world.

But in April 1945, with Berlin succumbing to the Russian siege, a hysterical Hitler visibly crumbling in front of him, and the Reich reeling in its death throws, Bormann, true to his brutish, realistic, pragmatic nature and leaning heavily on his incomparable bureaucratic proclivities, was focused on escaping.

Bormann was willing, able and self-authorized to negotiate any agreement that secured his - and presumably, at one time, the Fuehrer's - escape. Signals from "The Brown Eminence's" radios bounced to and from various German generals authorized to negotiate with Russian and United States military leaders. The Allies, in complete control and determined to achieve nothing but total and unconditional surrender - outwardly at least - would not negotiate. Escape was the only option.



Notes:

cdxxiii Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 29

cdxxiv Paul Manning, New York Times, March 3, 1973, p. 31, column 2

cdxxv Ladislas Farago, Aftermath, pp. 201-203; Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 207, 208; Alan Levy, The Weisenthal File, p. 222

cdxxvi Greg Steinmetz, The Wall Street Journal, 28 April, 1997; Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 207; Ladislas Farago, Aftermath, pp. 201-203; Alan Levy, The Weisenthal File, p. 222

cdxxvii Greg Steinmetz, The Wall Street Journal, 28 April, 1997; Harry Cooper, Sharkhunters KTB 104, p. 8; Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 207; Ladislas Farago, Aftermath, p. 202

cdxxviii Jochen von Lang, The Secretary, pp. 172, 173, 183

cdxxix William Stevenson, The Bormann Brotherhood, pp. 150-152

cdxxx Ladislas Farago, Aftermath, pp. 220. 221

cdxxxi Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 44

cdxxxii Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 114

cdxxxiii Greg Steinmetz, The Wall Street Journal, 28 April, 1997

cdxxxiv William Stevenson, The Bormann Brotherhood, p. 66

cdxxxv Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 23; William Stevenson, The Bormann Brotherhood, p. 67

cdxxxvi Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 23

cdxxxvii Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 24

cdxxxviii Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 24

cdxxxix Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 25

cdxl Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 26

cdxli Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 27

cdxlii Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 117

cdxliii Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 25

cdxliv Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 26, 27

cdxlv Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 114

cdxlvi Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 27

cdxlvii Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 11; William Stevenson, The Bormann Brotherhood, p. 68

cdxlviii Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, pp. 139, 205

cdxlix Raymond G. Stokes, Divide and Prosper, p. 24

cdl Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, p. 56

cdli Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, p. 165

cdlii Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, p. 180

cdliii Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, caption, second photo section

cdliv Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 114

cdlv Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 114

cdlvi Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, p. 2

cdlvii Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 153

cdlviii Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, p. 28

cdlix Paul Manning, Nazi In Exile, pp. 157-162; Peter Hayes, Industry and Technology: I.G. Farben in the Nazi Era, p. 368

cdlx Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, p. 166

cdlxi Peter Hayes, Industry and Ideology: I.G. Farben in the Nazi Era, p. 368

andyh wrote:
Exactly... European monarchs.
It strikes me as very odd that they just hand over their kingdom to Europe... or does it? Now Charles can never be a king... there is no kingdom. He can only be a prince of a principality. It's no secret that families endless ties to the nazis... Old Phillip's 3 brother in laws were all high ranking nazi officers for a kick off.

oioioi wrote:
Is that Phil?

or someone has photoshopped the crowds yo-yos out.

Yup.

And that's either a Nazi funeral or someone has photoshopped the crowds yo-yos out.

And that's either a Nazi funeral or someone has photoshopped the crowds yo-yos out.